How to vote this ballot
π³οΈ Your mail ballot β dates that matter
- Ballots went out Saturday, Sept 19 (SBE said to expect delivery within about five days). If yours hasn't come, check its status first with Voter Lookup / Track My Ballot, or call the county at 240-777-8550.
- Last day to request a mail ballot: Tue Oct 27 for one sent by mail (8 p.m. by mail, 11:59 p.m. by email/fax/online). Fri Oct 30 for print-at-home (5 p.m. by mail, 11:59 p.m. by email/fax/online; SBE's Sept 9 press release says Oct 29 for email requests, so don't cut it close). Requests take about a week to process, so don't wait. Request online (you need an MD driver's license or MVA ID).
- Early voting: Thu Oct 22 β Thu Oct 29, 7 a.m.β8 p.m. every day, weekend included, at any Montgomery early-voting center. You can also hand in a voted mail ballot at any early-voting center.
- Returning it β two legal options:
- Drop box by 8 p.m. Tue Nov 3 (or hand it in at the Board of Elections office or any polling place by then). This is the safest option. The rules allow either way; the drop box is this guide's advice.
- By mail, postmarked on or before Nov 3 and received by 10 a.m. Fri Nov 13 (the second Friday after Election Day).
- β οΈ The postmark catch. A USPS rule that took effect Dec 24, 2025 says a machine postmark shows the date of the first automated processing at a regional plant, not the day you dropped the envelope in a mailbox. A ballot mailed on time can end up with a later postmark. In the last week, use a drop box, or ask for a free hand postmark at a Post Office counter. That is the county's own advice (“If mailing during the last week before Election Day, take it to a Post Office for a hand-postmark”). USPS recommends mailing ballots at least a week early.
- Sign AND date the oath on the return envelope, not the ballot. An unsigned oath means the ballot isn't counted (the county will contact you to fix it; deadline 10 a.m. Nov 13). Use black ink, fill the ovals, don't vote for too many in a race, seal the envelope, and don't write or make identifying marks on the ballot.
- One envelope per voter. You and your wife each seal your own ballot in your own envelope. Two ballots in one envelope is a rejection reason.
- Track it. A few days after returning it, check Voter Lookup. It shows your mail-ballot status and your sample ballot, updates daily, and needs no account. No official Maryland page mentions BallotTrax for 2026; use Voter Lookup.
- Changed your mind and want to vote in person? If you already have a mail ballot, you'll vote a provisional ballot in person unless you cancel the mail ballot first (online cancellation closes Oct 13; after that, send the county board a signed written form). The provisional ballot is counted once they confirm no mail ballot came in from you.
π Nearest drop boxes & early-voting centers
Drop boxes are open 24/7 from Sept 19 through 8 p.m. Nov 3. They are on video surveillance and emptied daily by bipartisan teams. “Nearest” here is judged from addresses, not measured distance.
Drop boxes
- Wheaton: Wheaton Library & Community Recreation Center, 11701 Georgia Ave, Wheaton MD 20902 (also an early-voting center) Β· Wheaton High School, 12401 Dalewood Dr, Silver Spring MD 20906
- Glenmont (no box carries the name): Mid-County CRC, 2004 Queensguard Rd, Silver Spring 20906 Β· or the two Wheaton boxes above
- Kensington: Albert Einstein High School, 11135 Newport Mill Rd, Kensington MD 20895
- Forest Glen / Sligo: Margaret Schweinhaut Senior Center, 1000 Forest Glen Rd, Silver Spring 20901 Β· Forest Knolls Elementary, 10830 Eastwood Ave, Silver Spring 20901 (the Northwood HS box, moved here during construction) Β· Montgomery Blair HS, 51 University Blvd East, Silver Spring 20901 Β· John F. Kennedy HS, 1901 Randolph Rd, Silver Spring 20902 Β· Gwendolyn E. Coffield CRC, 2450 Lyttonsville Rd, Silver Spring 20910
- Silver Spring: Silver Spring Civic Building, 1 Veterans Place, Silver Spring 20910 (also an early-voting center) Β· Springbrook HS, 201 Valley Brook Dr 20904 Β· White Oak CRC, 1700 April Ln 20904 Β· East County CRC, 3310 Gateshead Manor Way 20904 Β· James Hubert Blake HS, 300 Norwood Rd 20905
Early-voting centers (Oct 22β29, 7 a.m.β8 p.m.)
- Wheaton Library & CRC, 11701 Georgia Ave, Wheaton 20902
- Mid-County CRC, 2004 Queensguard Rd, Silver Spring 20906
- Silver Spring Civic Building, 1 Veterans Place, Silver Spring 20910
- White Oak CRC, 1700 April Ln, Silver Spring 20904
- Jane E. Lawton CRC, 4301 Willow Ln, Chevy Chase 20815 (the nearest to Kensington)
The county has 58 drop boxes and 14 early-voting centers (the county page's header says 13, but its own list and the state PDF show 14). Full lists: county drop boxes Β· drop-box map Β· early-voting centers Β· early-voting wait times. Or text BOX 20902 (your ZIP) or EV 20902 to 77788.
β οΈ Things checked for you (as of Sept 29)
- No general-election ballot printing error has been reported. The May 2026 wrong-party ballot mix-up was a vendor coding error that affected only the primary, and replacement ballots went out then. The SBE press room and the county's elections page show no general-election ballot problem. That can't prove a negative, so still track your ballot.
- Your precinct (013-053) is NOT among the 11 precincts that got wrong Voter Information Guides. The printer, which handles only the guides and not ballots, printed the wrong polling place or party on the back for precincts 02-02, 02-03, 02-04, 02-05, 02-08, 02-11, 03-01, 03-02, 06-11, 06-15 and 11-00, all upcounty. The list comes from Montgomery Community Media, relaying the Board. Corrected guides went out the week of Sept 28.
- The new federal USPS “ballot mail” rule is blocked through Election Day. Federal court injunctions stopped it, and on Sept 15 the Supreme Court declined to lift them. Maryland mail voting runs under the usual rules in November. (The separate postmark rule above is in effect.)
- Checked against the official ballot (Montgomery ballot style BS 243, precinct 013-053): Legislative District 18, Congressional District 8, Council District 6, Board of Education District 4. All school board seats are elected countywide, so all four board races (At-Large, D1, D3, D5) are on your ballot. There is no District 4 board race this year. The three statewide questions are the only ballot questions. No county charter question appears; a judge upheld keeping “Stop the Spend” off.
- Endorsements still to come: as of Sept 29, neither the Washington Post nor GGWash had published Maryland general-election endorsements, and GGWash had taken no position on Questions 1β3. (The Post ran an Aug 5 opinion piece that reads as critical of Question 3. Only its headline and a snippet could be read, so it is not counted as an endorsement.) Both usually publish in October; the Post's 2022 slates ran Oct 9β26. Re-check before you mail.
How to read the picks
In each table, the highlighted row (β) is the suggested pick. It is weighted toward building more housing & transit, competence and character over party, proven experience, and the endorsers this guide trusts most: GGWash, the Washington Post, and the Bar Association for judges. MCEA (the teachers' union) is a mild plus. Sierra Club and union tags carry little weight. Every candidate gets a short note and the strongest honest case for them, and each name links (β) to the official campaign site where one exists. The picks are decision support, not directives. Decide for yourself.
This is a general election, so Republicans and third-party candidates get the same character-and-competence test as Democrats, and nothing is assumed from party. Where the result isn't in doubt (Montgomery is about 4 to 1 Democratic, and Republicans are 0 for 52 in county executive and council races since 1998), the guide says so and calls the vote a “signal”, a statement rather than a tiebreaker.
Badges: LEAN reasoned suggestion Β· YOUR CALL values fork, with the guide's lean marked βοΈ Β· UNOPPOSED no choice
Party tags: D Democrat Β· R Republican Β· Green Green Party Β· WCP Working Class Party Β· non-partisan school board. Judges and the retention vote carry no party tag.
Endorsement tags (shown only when verified):
GGW Greater Greater Washington (housing/transit) Β·
MCEA teachers' union Β·
Bar Bar Association of Montgomery County Β·
FOP Fraternal Order of Police Β·
WaPo Washington Post editorial board Β·
SC Sierra Club Β·
Moore Gov. Wes Moore Β·
GOP Montgomery County Republican Party (on non-partisan races)
Which round: MCEA tags come from its general-election Apple Ballot. GGW and Bar tags are endorsements made for the June primary (GGWash's March 20 slate; the Bar's May 2026 newsletter). Neither group has issued a separate November statement yet, so read those tags as primary-era.
Use the tabs above
- ποΈ County: County Executive and Council (At-Large and District 6).
- π¦ State & Federal: Governor, Comptroller, Attorney General, Congress (MD-8), and your District 18 legislators.
- βοΈ Courts & Schools: Circuit Court judges, the Friedman retention vote, State's Attorney, Clerk, Register of Wills, Sheriff, and the four school board races.
- β Ballot Questions: the three statewide constitutional amendments, with the case for and against each.
- β
Checklist: your picks on one screen, printable. Take it to the table when you fill in the ballot.
- ποΈ June Primary: the archive of the primary guide and its final results.
County β Executive & Council
Tags: GGW GGWash Β· MCEA teachers Β· FOP police union Β· Moore Gov. Moore Β· highlighted β = pick Β· names β link to campaign sites. GGW, FOP and Moore tags here date from the June primary (GGWash and the Post had no general-election slate as of Sept 29; FOP per Goldberg's site and the race dossier). MCEA tags are from its general-election Apple Ballot.
County Executive vote for 1 YOUR CALL
The Executive proposes the ~$7.9B operating budget (the Council can cut it but can't add to it), appoints department heads including the police chief, permitting, housing and transportation, and can veto Council bills (the Council can override with a supermajority). In Sept 2026 Elrich asked Police Chief Yamada to resign after Inspector General findings (whether he has stepped down was not confirmed), so the next Executive will likely choose the chief. The outcome isn't in doubt. Montgomery is about 4:1 Democratic, and Republicans are 0-for-52 in county executive and council races since 1998. Your vote is a statement, and this is the weakest lean on the ballot: both candidates break with you on housing, your #1 issue, in opposite directions.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Will JawandoD | MCEA Moore At-large councilmember since Dec 2018 (two terms; council vice president; chairs Education & Culture), civil-rights lawyer, former Obama White House staffer. Won the June primary with about 40%; outside groups tied to the real-estate industry reportedly spent ~$1.4M in independent spending against him and Glass. Fits you on: taxes to pay for services and BRT. His FY27 plan (his own site) had no property-tax hike, ~$72M in itemized cuts, and an income-tax change only above $500K. In 2023 he voted against the 4.7-cent property-tax increase because he wanted ~10 cents for schools. Breaks with you on: housing. He introduced a 2020 bill for housing near Metro, then in Jan 2025 called for a "pause" on missing-middle zoning ("already overburdened schools, infrastructureβ¦"), and he was one of 3 no votes on More Housing NOW (passed 8-3, July 2025). GGWash calls that a flip-flop, and he skipped its questionnaire. He also championed rent stabilization (the 2023 law was formally sponsored by Fani-GonzΓ‘lez and Katz). On immigration he co-sponsored the Trust Act (passed 11-0) and sponsored the Unmask ICE Act. On schools he backed removing SROs in 2021 (who made the final call is disputed) and, per the race dossier, still opposes returning them. He co-introduced the two-year data-center moratorium that became the Council's 18-month pause. Character: the State Board of Elections closed its inquiry into Working Families Party coordination (June 15, 2026: "not identified sufficient evidence"). A Nov 2025 blog item about $12,750 in federal-account payments to a campaign coordinator has no complaint or outcome on record. He had a heart attack on Sept 5 (stent placed, full recovery expected) and his campaign says he'll do no general-election forums or debates. |
| Esther WellsR | CPA (licensed in MD since 2010 per her own site; not checked against the state lookup), senior tax manager (Washington Gas, per a 2022 profile), and president of the Montgomery County Taxpayers League (named president in 2023, per a press-release snippet). Immigrant from Trinidad, single mother of two, special-ed advocate. Lost the 2022 school-board race to Rivera-Oven 39.9β59.4. Won the GOP primary with 6,850 votes (~60%). Democratic-leaning blogger Adam Pagnucco calls her "a substantive candidate." Fits you on: repealing rent stabilization, funding SROs in every high school, fully staffing police, and data centers (she testified June 16 that "a multi-year pause is not thoughtful governance"). She'd also block or weaken all-electric mandates. On housing she's split: she backs high density on Georgia and Connecticut Avenues, duplexes and townhomes near Metro and Purple Line stations, and a "Fast-Track" permit lane, but opposes upzoning existing single-family neighborhoods. Breaks with you on: taxes. She'd reverse the FY24 (2023) property-tax hike, cut property, income and fuel taxes, and cut the budget ~20% through automation and AI. She wants more bus and MARC service but a cost-benefit review of bike lanes, and has called the Purple Line a "money pit." She states no ICE-cooperation position beyond opposing Jawando's ICE bills on legal grounds. Screen: clean on election denial. Her own posts treat Trump's 2024 win as legitimate, and in April 2025 she wrote the county race is "not rigged." A Moms for Liberty rumor is unresolved: she posted a video on Sept 24 addressing it, and no membership or endorsement was found. Her 2022 answer on library books pointed to MCPS's existing review process, not removal. A 2024 post criticized the timing of the Transgender Day of Visibility proclamation (it fell on Easter). β οΈ An April 2026 post suggested CASA funding may be "rising to the level of election interference." No evidence was offered. She endorsed Brenda Diaz for school board in 2024. She has never held office and has raised under $20K. Court and campaign-finance databases weren't checked. |
βοΈ Lean: Will Jawando (low confidence) β He'll almost certainly win, no dealbreaker turned up for either candidate (Wells's election-denial screen is clean too), and he matches your taxes-to-invest and BRT priorities. He's the opposite of you on rent stabilization, missing-middle zoning, ICE cooperation, SROs and data centers, and refusing every debate is a real ding. Wells is the mirror image: she fits on those enforcement, rent-control and data-center items but is opposite on taxes and on upzoning single-family neighborhoods. There are two other honest choices. If you won't endorse either β leave it blank (a principled abstention; the result is the same). If enforcement and rent-control repeal outweigh taxes and neighborhood zoning for you β Wells. Decide for yourself.
County Council At-Large vote for up to 4 LEAN
Four countywide seats on the 11-member Council, which sets the budget and taxes, passes zoning changes and master plans, and can override Executive vetoes with a supermajority. Five candidates are running for four seats, and all four Democrats will win. You may vote for fewer than four (an undervote is allowed), so your 4th line is a signal. GGWash endorsed Goldberg, Sayles and Silvestre in the primary. Its 4th pick, Jim McNulty, lost. The Council these candidates join passed the FY27 budget 9-2: property tax held flat, income tax raised to 3.3% above $150K, Income Tax Offset Credit ended.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Marc ElrichD | MCEA Moore The outgoing two-term County Executive, formerly three terms on the Council. He topped the primary (66,702 votes). For: the county's leading BRT and bus-lane champion, and the one candidate who openly backs raising revenue to fully fund MCPS and transit. Publicly financed. He asked the police chief to resign after the IG report. He supports transit-oriented housing near Red and Purple Line stations and office-to-residential conversion. Against: the ballot's most consistent opponent of upzoning. He says he'd have voted no on Thrive 2050 and More Housing NOW. The Council overrode his 2025 veto of a housing tax break and, on Sept 16, 2026, his veto of a Planning Board member he called "singularly focused on housing production." His stated reasons are displacement risk, a higher affordable-unit share, and no net loss of affordable units. GGWash wrote that it hopes voters give him "a well-deserved retirement." He supports rent stabilization and signed the Council's data-center pause. |
| Scott Evan GoldbergD | GGW FOP MCEA Silver Spring attorney and small-business owner (property management for Foreign Service and military families), former county Democratic Party chair, pro bono tenant lawyer. Also claims the career firefighters, MCGEO and the Realtors. For: permit shot clocks, zoning reform and dense housing near transit. He'd fix rent stabilization with a static single-digit cap and repeal vacancy control. He's the at-large candidate with police and fire support. Against: he has never held office (ran for delegate in 2010, finished 5th for at-large in 2022). He pledges not to raise several taxes at once and prefers "smaller revenue increases," which is less than your taxes-for-services lean. He opposes ICE cooperation. A real-estate super PAC mailed for him, though he takes no PAC money himself. |
| Laurie-Anne SaylesD | GGW MCEA Moore The only sitting at-large councilmember (first term; chairs Health & Human Services; formerly on the Gaithersburg City Council). For: co-sponsored and voted for More Housing NOW and worked with Friedson on permit streamlining. She's the one proven pro-supply vote in this field. Against: her rent-stabilization stance is vague. She co-introduced the large-data-center zoning ban and voted for the moratorium (the Council passed both unanimously). She cast the lone no vote on a July gun-zone housekeeping bill, citing over-policing concerns. β οΈ Candor: on May 22 she said "no taxpayer funds" paid for a Maui conference during budget season. Council staff then told a local opinion blog that the county paid the $1,125.50 registration. Her office says no rules were broken and her personal travel was self-funded. That blog is the only source, so treat it as an optics issue, not an ethics finding. |
| Karla SilvestreD | GGW FOP MCEA Two-term at-large school-board member and former board president, Montgomery College community-engagement director, former Latino liaison in the Executive's office. Also reported as backed by the career firefighters, MCGEO and SEIU 500 (race dossier only; her site lists no endorsements), and by the Realtors in the primary. For: She wants permit speed and says rent stabilization must be paired with abundance. She's cautious on taxes and focused on the commercial base, and her site pledges to protect LGBTQ+ residents from discrimination. Against: no legislative record. Her positions on police and data centers are thin. Critics fault the board during her presidency period for the mishandled Beidleman promotion and the $1.3M McKnight separation, and the county IG found deficiencies in how MCPS handled harassment complaints and background checks. Her personal role and votes haven't been tied to specific dates. She won the 4th nomination by 0.26%. |
| Sherwin WellsR | Gaithersburg mortgage broker and managing real-estate broker with 25+ years in financial services. Army veteran, immigrant from Trinidad and Tobago, youth basketball coach. The GOP central committee designated him on March 4, 2026, after no Republican filed, so he had a short runway. For: the most pro-permit platform on the ballot: same-day permits, smaller lots, lower impact fees, starter homes under $300K. He also wants an Inspector General audit of waste and would be the Council's only Republican. Against: he opposes rent stabilization and all tax increases. He skipped the GGWash and Montgomery for All questionnaires and a candidate forum (reason unknown). He has no record in office, and his campaign-finance filings and social media weren't checked. No dealbreaker was found, but the screen is thin. |
β
Lean: Goldberg Β· Sayles Β· Silvestre β leave the 4th line blank β These are the three GGWash-endorsed YIMBYs, and housing supply is your top issue. Goldberg adds the most concrete rent-stabilization fix plus police and fire backing. Sayles is the only proven pro-supply vote. Silvestre brings the "abundance" framing and school-system experience. Their dings are real but small: Sayles's disputed Maui-conference statement (single-source, optics only), and board-governance questions for Silvestre. All four Democrats win regardless, so the 4th line is a statement. If taxes-for-services and BRT outweigh housing for you β Elrich. If you want a pro-permit, anti-rent-control Republican voice despite no record and no tax increases β Sherwin Wells.
County Council District 6 vote for 1 LEAN
Your district seat (Wheaton, Glenmont, Aspen Hill, Kemp Mill, North Kensington). It's a safe Democratic seat, so the real question is whether the incumbent's housing record outweighs her rent-control, immigration and data-center positions.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Natali Fani-GonzΓ‘lezD | GGW MCEA Council President (unanimously elected Dec 2025), former Planning Board vice chair, Wheaton resident. Came from Venezuela as an undocumented teenager and later naturalized. Worked earlier for CASA and SEIU. Won the primary with ~65%. Endorsed by Van Hollen, Raskin and Ike Leggett (per her own site). For: co-introduced More Housing NOW with Friedson (passed 8-3) and pushed office-to-residential conversions. GGWash: "there's no question that Fani-GonzΓ‘lez deserves another term." The Council she leads held the property-tax rate flat in the FY27 budget while still increasing school funding, and it funded a new Glenmont police station (her office's account; dollar figures not independently verified). Against: she was lead sponsor of the 2023 rent-stabilization law (passed 7-4; the Realtors withheld their endorsement over her "aggressive defense of rent control"). She introduced the Trust Act (judicial warrants required, no voluntary ICE cooperation; passed 11-0) and testified for the state 287(g) ban. She introduced the large-data-center zoning ban (the moratorium passed 11-0). Character: a 2022 advocacy-group allegation about her husband's disabled-veteran tax exemption was closed by the state ("you remain eligible"). |
| Louella ThamR | Silver Spring resident, sales manager at a food and beverage distributor, first-time candidate, unopposed in the GOP primary. For: a "back to basics" check on a one-party Council. She names cost of living and safety as priorities, says recent green-energy and safety legislation raised costs, and in the LWV guide wants to keep "Police and Hospitals well funded." Against: no bio, no published positions on housing, taxes, immigration or transit. She declined the Banner and Montgomery for All questionnaires and has no governing record. No targeted dealbreaker searches were run, so her screen is "no evidence either way," not "clean." |
β
Lean: Natali Fani-GonzΓ‘lez β She's a proven leader on your #1 issue (More Housing NOW, office conversions, GGWash) with a competent budget and public-safety record. Tham has published little to weigh against that (her stated priorities are cost of living and police and hospital funding, and she has not been screened in depth). The misfits are real: she led rent stabilization, wrote the Trust Act and sponsored the data-center ban. If rent control and ICE cooperation outweigh housing supply for you β leave it blank, since Tham has stated no position on either.
What changed since June
- Our June pick lost. Jawando won the Democratic primary with ~40%, beating Andrew Friedson (~34%, the GGWash-endorsed candidate and this guide's June pick) and Evan Glass (~22%). Friedson and Glass are now hosting fundraisers for him.
- The general is Jawando vs. Esther Wells. Wells beat Shelly Skolnick for the GOP nomination. Jawando is declining all debates while he recovers from his Sept 5 heart attack, and Wells and the county GOP are demanding them.
- History: Republicans are 0-for-52 in county executive and council races since 1998, so every county contest on this tab is a signal vote.
- Elrich is now running for Council. He is term-limited as Executive and topped the at-large primary. GGWash's 4th at-large pick, Jim McNulty, didn't make the ballot.
- Endorsements to re-check before you mail: GGWash promised a general-election process but hadn't published one as of Sept 29. Bethesda Magazine reported the Post may not weigh in on county races this year.
State & Federal
Tags: GGW GGWash Β· MCEA teachers Β· Bar Bar Assn Β· FOP police union Β· WaPo Washington Post Β· highlighted β = pick Β· names β link to campaign sites
Governor / Lt. Governor vote for 1 ticket LEAN
The governor writes the state budget (about $71B for FY2027; the legislature can cut it but not add to it), appoints judges and agency heads, and sets MDOT priorities: Red Line, Purple Line, I-270 and the American Legion Bridge. This is a 2022 rematch (Moore won 64.5β32.1). The only head-to-head poll this guide found is Zenith Research (July 27βAug 3, 800 voters, Β±3.5): Moore 58, Cox 31. A lobbying firm (Blended Public Affairs / Perry Jacobson) paid for it. The forecasters checked all rate the race Safe/Solid D. Two signals you care about: Hogan won't commit to Cox. In June he said Republicans are "nominating unelectable people," and in 2022 he criticized Cox over election-conspiracy claims. He hasn't endorsed Moore either. The state FOP endorsed no one: Moore placed first in its vote but missed the 60% bar, and Cox placed third, behind "no endorsement." MPT debate: Tue Oct 6, 7 pm. Ellis and White aren't in it because of a 10% polling rule.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Wes Moore & Aruna MillerD | Incumbent. Army combat veteran, Rhodes Scholar, former Robin Hood Foundation CEO. Miller is a former MoCo delegate and an engineer; no issues found. Housing: signed the 2026 housing-supply package (Housing Certainty Act; Transit & Housing Opportunity Act), which covers vesting rights, transit-adjacent development and limits on parking minimums. Taxes: a $1.6B tax-and-fee package in 2025 (the FY26 budget), then no new taxes in the FY27 budget. Moody's downgraded the state in May 2025, and a ~$3B structural gap is coming, driven largely by Blueprint school funding. Transportation: revived the Red Line. Now backs public-private deals for the American Legion Bridge and I-270, reversing his 2023 pause. Immigration: signed the 287(g) ban (Feb 17, 2026) and let the Community Trust Act take effect. He says local police should stay focused on local crime and asked for fixes on joint investigations and information-sharing. Data centers: his Sept 23 executive order adds state oversight of new projects without a ban. The Greens call it too weak; Senate GOP leader Hershey attacks it from the pro-industry side. Redistricting: pushed the mid-decade congressional remap and the amendment that is now Question 3. Character: no ethics finding. The Baltimore Banner's June 11, 2026 review found "a competent, well-respected soldier," but also memoir details that were inaccurate or embellished, and a Bronze Star wrongly claimed on a 2006 fellowship application. Moore apologized, and the medal was formally awarded in late 2024. Also: staff used auto-deleting chats (Banner, Dec 2025); his office said this was lawful and promised a retention policy. |
| Dan Cox & Rob KropR | Cox is an attorney and was a one-term delegate from Frederick/Carroll (2019β2023). He won the June primary with 43.3% in a nine-way field. Strongest case: runs on what voters say worries them most, which is utility bills, taxes and the economy. His platform: tax cuts, energy-cost relief, a data-center moratorium, ending property tax for seniors, permitting reform and enforcement-first immigration. He opposes Question 3. He calls Moore an "absentee governor" facing a $3B hole. Krop is a Frederick real-estate broker, property manager and co-owner of an indoor gun range. He was indicted in 2023 on federal machine-gun and false-statement charges, and a jury acquitted him on all counts on Oct 22, 2024 (Cox was his trial lawyer). β οΈ Election record: helped arrange buses to the Jan 6, 2021 "Stop the Steal" rally (he later denied organizing them). Tweeted "Pence is a traitor" while the Capitol was under attack; he later said it expressed disappointment and denounced "all mob violence." In 2022 he said "I believe the election was stolen," called for a "forensic audit," and sued to stop early counting of mail ballots. The Supreme Court of Maryland rejected that suit unanimously. On July 16, 2026 (WBAL), asked who won 2020, he said Biden "probably" won. On LGBTQ issues, House roll calls show him voting against the 2022 Inclusive Schools Act and against adding gender identity to hate-crime law (2021). He voted for repealing the sodomy law (2020). His 2026 site says nothing on the subject. He was among 17 delegates backing the 2020 data-center tax break; he now backs a moratorium. Cash: ~$136K against ~$148K in debts (Sept). |
| Andy Ellis & Owen Silverman AndrewsGreen | Ellis is a Baltimore debate coach (led Towson to its 2008 national title), spent ~15 years in corporate tech, and served on Baltimore's 2023β24 Charter Review Commission. Silverman Andrews is a Baltimore adult-ESL teacher and organizer. Platform: ban data centers (he rejected Moore's order as too weak), a wealth tax, participatory budgeting and corporate tax transparency, plus reparations and Palestine planks. Their positions on rent control, policing and immigration weren't found. No dealbreaker found. Ellis says he has no realistic path. The party needs 1% of the governor vote to keep its ballot line (it drew 1.1% for president in 2024). Raised $38K; $234 cash (Aug 18). |
| Cathy White & Cathy PermutWCP | White has worked about 40 years as a factory production worker. No biography was found for Permut. The party got back on the ballot with 12,300+ volunteer signatures. It runs on wages, pensions, care costs and infrastructure repair, and against foreign wars. Its own framing is "Use This Election to Refuse Capitalism's Crises and Wars," and it says an election won't change working people's situation. No state-level housing, transit or policing plan found. No dealbreaker found. The party also needs 1% to stay on the ballot. |
β
Lean: Moore / Miller β Cox fails your election-denial dealbreaker on documented, dated conduct (the Jan 6 buses, the "traitor" tweet, "stolen" in 2022, "probably" in July 2026). Moore signed the 2026 housing-supply package, which is your #1 axis. The misfits are real: the 287(g) ban and Community Trust Act, openness to data-center limits and leading the redistricting push. The Green and WCP tickets are clean as far as anyone has found, but neither has a governing record. The Green platform (data-center ban, wealth tax) cuts against your growth lean, and WCP has published no state housing or transit plan to judge. If you'd rather register a protest on immigration or taxes β a Green or WCP vote does that without crossing the dealbreaker, and the outcome isn't in doubt either way. Confidence: high.
Comptroller vote for 1 LEAN
The Comptroller is Maryland's tax collector and accountant and holds one of three votes on the Board of Public Works, which approves state contracts. It is a management job: the office can't set tax rates. The office is audited by the legislature's Department of Legislative Services, and that audit is the story of this race. Lierman is the heavy favorite: $3.3M raised against about $34K, and no Republican has held the office since Robert Graham in 1896β98.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Brooke Elizabeth LiermanD | Incumbent since Jan 2023. Former Baltimore delegate (2015β2023) and civil-rights attorney; won 2022 with 61.6%. For: runs the agency with a modernization record, including a Taxpayer Advocate office, a contract dashboard and faster e-file processing (under 3 days vs. nearly 5, her office's figures). In Aug 2025 she was reportedly the lone "no" on a ~$300M IT contract over competition concerns (that source page was blocked, so this is unverified and not weighed). Against: the DLS audit released Sept 16, 2026 found her Compliance Division didn't use every enforcement tool on $600M+ in delinquent taxes since 2022. It also left 6,500+ questionable returns uninvestigated and had 18,300 delinquent accounts ($251.7M) with no wage garnishment or bank levy as of February. The backlog grew from $1.03B (2022) to $1.58B (2025). In fairness, it is a performance finding, not an ethics one. The backlog figures start in 2022, before she took office, and a pandemic-era base likely inflates the growth (this guide's inference). Her office agrees collections "can be strengthened" and is adopting some recommendations. This guide worked from news coverage and her rebuttal; the audit report itself wasn't read. |
| Sonya DunnR | From Bowie. Founder/CEO of JEMH, which describes itself as digital enterprise integration, data asset management and media production. Past president and chair of Arlington Independent Media. Holds a master's in procurement and acquisition management and an MBA, with a finance doctorate in progress. For: her procurement background maps onto the contract-approval vote and the collection problems the audit found. She pitches an independent taxpayer watchdog ("Tax Connect has not connected... Customer service is abysmal," WJLA) and has asked for two debates. Against: no government or public-agency management record. Several rΓ©sumΓ© items (State Department delegate, Red Cross adviser) are self-reported and unverified. About $34K raised; cash on hand is reported as both $19,268 and ~$400. No endorsements beyond the county GOP guide. No dealbreaker found in a thin record. |
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Lean: Lierman β you weight competence and a running record, and she's the one who actually runs the agency. The audit is a real management mark against her, not a character one, and her office concedes part of it. Dunn's skills fit the job on paper, but she has never run a public agency. If a divided-government check and the collections failures matter more to you β Dunn. Confidence: medium.
Attorney General vote for 1 LEAN
The AG is the state's lawyer. The office defends state laws (including the Community Trust Act, which the DOJ sued over on July 10, 2026), brings multistate and consumer-protection cases, and prosecutes police-involved deaths (since Oct 2023). It does not run local prosecutions; county State's Attorneys do. So the axes that matter here are public safety, immigration cooperation and protecting the election. The core dispute: keep litigating against the Trump administration, or refocus on in-state crime and fraud. Rated Safe D.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Anthony G. BrownD | Incumbent since 2023. Former Lt. Governor and U.S. Rep.; retired Army Reserve colonel. For: large recoveries, including the Meta settlement (Aug 26; up to $327M for Maryland) and Capital One ($425M). His office's 463-page Archdiocese abuse report. A June 25, 2026 ruling blocking Trump's election executive order for Nov 3, which matters directly to how you vote. (The AG's office says Brown led 24 states plus DC; other reports say Maryland joined 23 states.) Against, from your side: his office is the state's lawyer in the DOJ suit over the Community Trust Act (he declined to comment on it), and his guidance still allows cooperation on serious-crime convictions, judicial warrants and federal criminal cases. He championed youth-charging reform, which prosecutors opposed. The state FOP switched to his opponent. About 60+ suits against the federal government by mid-May. β οΈ Open questions, not findings: (1) Time (2022) reported ~$40K from his congressional campaign account spent on his AG run; two former FEC chairs said it looked like a violation, and his campaign called it wind-down costs to be reimbursed. No resolution found. (2) A July 2026 report found 5 donor-linked firms (~$30K) among 81+ outside counsel hired; it alleges no violation. |
| James B. Rutledge, IIIR | FOP Bel Air solo practitioner for ~40 years (wills, trusts, probate, real estate, business counsel, and early civil/criminal trial work). Maryland law degree with honors and Order of the Coif. Hogan appointee to the Harford Judicial Nominating Commission; Bel Air town commissioner 2023β25. The GOP central committee named him in March after no Republican filed. For: the Maryland State FOP endorsed him (letter dated Sept 2; made public Sept 4β8). It is the first time the state lodge has left the Democrat (it backed Brown in 2022 and Frosh in 2014). He'd stop "suing the federal government time and time again" and focus on crime, fraud, elder scams and the Bay. Against: no prosecutorial, appellate or government-litigation record for a 500-lawyer office. He hasn't said which federal suits, including the election cases, he'd keep. His views on 2020 and immigration are undocumented, which is not the same as absent. $2,527 cash vs. Brown's $754K (as reported). |
β
Lean: Brown β competence over ideology. He is a sitting AG with big consumer wins, and he led or joined the case that protects Nov 3 mail voting. He misfits you on enforcement and immigration, and his two ethics questions are open, not proven. Rutledge's FOP endorsement is a real signal, but he has no prosecutorial or government-litigation record. If the police-union signal and a crime-first focus outweigh experience for you β Rutledge. Confidence: medium.
U.S. House β District 8 vote for 1 LEAN
Same three-way field as 2024 (Raskin 76.8 Β· Riley 20.5 Β· Wallace 2.5), rated Safe D. This federal seat doesn't touch local zoning, rent rules or MCPS. What's at stake is character, immigration and federal spending, and whether Raskin could chair House Judiciary in 2027.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Jamie RaskinD | Incumbent since 2017. Constitutional-law professor. Top Democrat on House Judiciary since Jan 2025. Lead manager of Trump's second impeachment; Jan 6 committee member. Led Maryland's 2012 marriage-equality fight. Won the primary with 92.7%. Against, for you: to your left on immigration enforcement and policing (vice chair of the Progressive Caucus), with no documented housing-supply or transit record. Disclosure: a late STOCK Act filing on his wife's stock holdings (the exact filing dates were not confirmed). He acknowledged the lapse; no ethics finding. Critics also cite his Jan 2017 objection to certifying 2016, which he tied to Russian interference and voter suppression; it was ruled out of order. |
| Cheryl RileyR | PR executive for 25+ years; raised in MoCo, now a North Bethesda renter. Ran for Council D4 in 2022 and for this seat in 2024. For: runs on rents, property taxes, crime and fentanyl (a family tragedy), and one-party rule. She is pro-police, pro-nuclear and backs raising the payroll-tax cap (an overlap with your taxes-for-services lean), and pledges to represent non-supporters too. β οΈ Asked in 2024 whether she'd accept a certified result: "I will make that determination based on any verifiable voting malfunctions. If the election is free of any fraudulent activity, then I would accept the results" (Baltimore Sun). She would limit mail voting to military and disabled voters. On iVoterGuide she "strongly agreed" that attempts to socially or physically transition a child "constitute child abuse." She was neutral on one-man-one-woman marriage and said Congress needn't change it. No Moms for Liberty tie found. This guide's research summary also lists calls to halt all immigration and to abolish the Education Department (original sources not re-read), and she opposed Thrive Montgomery. $16.6K raised; $1.8K cash (June 30). |
| Nancy WallaceGreen | Raised in Bethesda; Yale. About 14 years lobbying Congress on environmental issues and directed a Sierra Club international program (1990β94); now a Commerce Department data coordinator. Co-chair of the county Green Party since 2015. Offers a climate-first, single-payer alternative from the left. No dealbreaker found. But her site is frozen in the 2016 era, so there's no current platform to judge. Past results: 3.1% (2016), 0.7% for governor (2022), 2.5% (2024). A House vote doesn't obviously count toward the Greens' 1% ballot line, which is measured in the governor race. |
β
Lean: Raskin β no dealbreaker on the record found. The STOCK Act lapse is minor and he acknowledged it. His 2017 certification objection was ruled out of order and rested on Russian-interference and voter-suppression claims, not a claim that the count was fraudulent; weigh it yourself against Cox's 2020 conduct. He brings real institutional weight on the Judiciary Committee. Riley's conditional answer on accepting results (she says she would accept a result free of fraud, a lower bar than Cox's documented conduct), her mail-voting limit (which would end how you two vote) and her child-transition answer run into your lines. Wallace offers no current platform. If you want a protest vote on Raskin's left-leaning immigration and policing record β Wallace does that without a dealbreaker. Confidence: high.
State Senator β District 18 vote for 1 UNOPPOSED
No Republican filed and no write-in is on file as of Sept 28. The write-in deadline is Oct 15, 5 pm, so recheck then. Senator since 2019 (delegate 2007β19); vice-chair of Judicial Proceedings. He co-sponsored GGWash's Bring Back Main Street housing bill, though it was enacted only as a state study (due Dec 1, 2026). He was lead sponsor of the No Kings Act, which lets Marylanders sue federal agents for constitutional violations (signed May 12, 2026) and cuts against your ICE-cooperation lean. A 2018 accusation that he steered a candidate into a House race to complicate a challenger's path is a campaign-tactics claim he denied, not a finding. He skipped the Bethesda and Sun questionnaires but answered the League of Women Voters.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Jeff WaldstreicherD | Incumbent; attorney (Berkeley Law). No election-denial, anti-LGBTQ or ethics finding in the screen. The State Ethics Commission database wasn't checked directly. |
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Vote for Waldstreicher β no dealbreaker, a leadership role on Judicial Proceedings, and a (modest) pro-housing sponsorship. The immigration bills are a policy misfit, not a character problem. Confidence: medium.
House of Delegates β District 18 vote for up to 3 UNOPPOSED
Three names for three seats. No Republican filed and no write-in is on file (recheck after Oct 15). All three sponsored the 287(g) ban (HB 444, signed Feb 17, 2026), a policy misfit with your enforcement lean, not a character issue. The screen found no election-denial, anti-LGBTQ or ethics findings for any of them.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Aaron M. KaufmanD | From Chevy Chase; elected in 2022; now on the Judiciary Committee. He has cerebral palsy and is the first General Assembly member with a physical disability. Enacted wheelchair right-to-repair, a senior benefit-scam law and an elopement-safety bill. Beat a primary challenger 27.1% to 15.1%. No housing or transit record found. |
| Emily ShettyD | From Kensington; delegate since 2019. House Democratic Caucus chair; chairs the Appropriations health subcommittee. Sponsored a 2021 transgender name-change bill; top primary vote-getter. β οΈ Transparency note: in 2020 she started a lobbying firm, Step Up Advocacy, and runs it while serving. Neither she nor the firm appears on Maryland's lobbyist or employer lists; her only documented lobbying is a 2022 federal filing, which probably explains that. No ethics complaint or order was found. It is a structural conflict-of-interest question, not a finding. |
| Jared SolomonD | From Kensington; former Baltimore teacher and aide to Sen. Bob Casey; delegate since 2019 (Appropriations). Record on child care and school facilities. His affordable-housing bill uses tax breaks rather than upzoning. He opposes toll-lane highway widening. He sponsored the bill behind Question 1 (arbitration). GGWash endorsed him in 2018; its 2026 slate covered only county races. |
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Vote for all three: Kaufman Β· Shetty Β· Solomon β no dealbreakers and concrete legislative records. Keep an eye on Shetty's lobbying business, and note all three backed the 287(g) ban. Leaving a slot blank changes nothing. Confidence: medium.
Two of your trusted endorsers haven't weighed in yet
As of Sept 29, neither the Washington Post editorial board nor GGWash had published general-election endorsements for anything on this ballot, as far as this guide could find (the Post's site blocked the research). Re-check in October, before you mail your ballot.
- Washington Post: its 2022 Maryland general slates ran Oct 9β26, and a late-2024 report said it planned to keep endorsing in local races. Its 2022 picks (Brown for AG, Lierman in the comptroller primary) are four years old; don't read them as 2026 endorsements. washingtonpost.com/opinions/endorsements
- GGWash: it promised a separate general-election process. In 2024 its Maryland guidance came in a Nov 1 "Do Something" post. Its 2026 process covers county races, so a statewide pick is unlikely. ggwash.org/elections/2026 Β· endorsements tag
Courts Β· Administration Β· School Board
Tags: Bar Bar Assn (county bar BAMC + state bar MSBA) Β· MCEA teachers Β· GOP county Republican Party endorsement of a non-partisan candidate Β· non-partisan school-board seat (no party on the ballot) Β· highlighted β = pick Β· names β link to campaign sites
Judge of the Circuit Court β Circuit 6 vote for up to 4 LEAN
Circuit judges hear the serious felonies, big civil cases, family law (divorce, custody, guardianship) and juvenile cases, and they serve 15-year terms. The Governor appoints them from a list vetted by a nominating commission and 12+ bar associations. Each appointee then has to win an election. Four seats, four names: all four sitting judges, running as a slate. The only challenger, Marylin Pierre, finished fifth in June and is off the ballot. Nobody outside the courts has published data on how these judges perform (no reversal rates, and complaints stay confidential), so every "against" below is structural, not personal. The Bar Association of Montgomery County (May 2026 newsletter) and the Maryland State Bar Association both endorsed all four. Keep two limits in mind: both endorsements were made for the June primary (no November re-endorsement found), and both bars back every sitting judge as a rule rather than rating each one. Judge McQueen also sits on BAMC's board. Both parties are on board too: the governor, 7 of 11 councilmembers and 25 of 35 legislators back the slate, and the county GOP voter guide recommends all four.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Sharon V. Burrell | Bar The most experienced of the four. O'Malley appointed her in 2008, she was elected in 2010, and she is now seeking a second 15-year term. Before that she spent 21 years in the Montgomery County Attorney's Office. The Banner calls her the circuit's chief judge and chair of the Equal Justice Committee. The Maryland Manual lists her as a committee member who chairs its operations subcommittee, so treat the titles as unverified. She drew the most votes in June. Against: nothing personal found. Her rulings can't be independently audited. |
| Victor M. Del Pino | Bar Governors of both parties have picked him. Hogan appointed him to the District Court in Dec 2019, and Moore elevated him to Circuit Court in Feb 2026. He was a Montgomery prosecutor from 2004 to 2010 (gang unit chief 2009β10), then a partner in private practice doing criminal defense, personal injury and immigration work. He is a lifelong county resident and speaks Spanish. Against: he is the newest to the circuit bench (about 8 months) and told a May forum he had not yet handled juvenile cases. |
| James J. Dietrich | Bar Moore appointed him and he took the bench Oct 9, 2025. He spent about 28 years as a prosecutor: roughly 21 in Howard County (leading a circuit trial team), then 2018β2025 in Montgomery's major-crimes and post-conviction units. He teaches evidence and trial practice at Catholic University's law school. Against: under a year on the bench, and his whole career is prosecution, so readers who want more defense or civil experience on the bench may hesitate. |
| Catherine H. McQueen | Bar Moore appointed her and she was invested Dec 3, 2024. She practiced mainly family law for 22+ years, including a lot of court-appointed guardianship work for financially exploited or neglected adults, which is the docket that touches the most residents. She was second in June votes. Against: about two years on the bench, and family-court rulings are mostly sealed, so voters can't grade them. She sits on the board of BAMC, one of her endorsers. |
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Lean: all four β Burrell Β· Del Pino Β· Dietrich Β· McQueen β your default for judges is the Bar's sitting-judge slate, and both the county and state bars back all four. Every one of them cleared merit vetting, no public misconduct finding turned up (complaints are confidential, so absence proves little), and there's no challenger, so the outcome isn't in doubt. If you object to uncontested judicial slates on principle β vote for fewer than four or use the write-in line. It won't change who is seated.
Appellate Court of Maryland β At Large: Dan Friedman continuance in office Β· YES / NO LEAN
How a retention vote works: no one runs against him. You're answering one question: should Judge Friedman keep his seat on the state's intermediate appeals court? If YES wins, he stays. If NO wins or it ties, the seat goes vacant and the Governor appoints the replacement with Senate consent (Md. Const. art. IV Β§5A). A NO doesn't elect anyone. It just hands the pick back to the Governor. No bar association has issued a retention rating either way, and no organized "vote no" campaign was found. He did not answer the League of Women Voters guide. The county GOP guide says YES.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Dan Friedman | O'Malley appointed him (announced Aug 26, 2014) and he has been on the court since Sept 23, 2014, about 12 years. Before that: private litigation, chief of litigation for Baltimore City, then Assistant Attorney General and counsel to the General Assembly (2008β14). He has taught at Maryland Law since 1998 and wrote The Maryland State Constitution: A Reference Guide (Oxford UP). Voters retained him in 2016 with 82.1% statewide (SBE official; about 86% in Montgomery). He is not on the Commission on Judicial Disabilities' public-actions list. Against: nobody has independently evaluated him, so a YES rests on the absence of negatives. His 2016 margin mostly shows that retention votes nearly always pass, not how good he is. |
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Lean: YES β he has 12 years on the court, deep expertise in the state constitution, and no discipline on record. Voting NO probably wouldn't make the court more accountable in practice: if it won, the Governor would fill the seat rather than voters. If you want to protest retention elections with no information behind them β leave it blank instead of voting NO, since a NO that wins produces a gubernatorial pick, not an election.
State's Attorney vote for 1 UNOPPOSED
This is the county's chief prosecutor. John McCarthy has held the job since 2006 and has worked in the office since 1982, including ten years as deputy. He created the gang prosecution unit, a truancy court and the Mental Health Courts. He had no primary opponent (111,992 votes), no Republican filed, and no write-in had filed as of Sept 28 (write-in deadline: Oct 15). He answered the League of Women Voters guide but skipped Bethesda Today's questionnaire and candidate video. On your enforcement axis he's the best fit on the ballot: he backs restoring school resource officers (SROs), wants to be tougher on retail theft and scams, and has been cautious about youth-charging reform (the state's Youth Charging Reform Act takes effect Oct 1, 2026). β οΈ Transparency note: in 2023 he hired sitting Circuit Court judge David Boynton. Boynton had negotiated the job while still presiding over criminal cases and did not disclose it. Courts granted new hearings in affected cases, and the public defender filed an ethics motion (Washington Post, Apr 15 / May 3 / Sept 9 / Oct 18, 2023). The conduct at issue was the judge's. No finding was made against McCarthy.
| Candidate | Notes |
| John McCarthyD | No campaign website (SBE lists only an email contact). He is seeking a sixth term. He endorsed all four sitting judges. No State Ethics Commission order was found against him, and he isn't a registered lobbyist. Nobody has reported his position on immigration. |
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Vote for: John McCarthy β the strongest enforcement fit on the ballot and 20 years running the office. The Boynton episode is worth knowing about, but the documented misconduct was the judge's.
Clerk of the Circuit Court vote for 1 UNOPPOSED
This is an administrative office: marriage and business licenses, land records, court filings and oaths of office. Karen Bushell has 25+ years in the Montgomery judiciary. She spent seven years as chief deputy clerk, was appointed Clerk in 2021 and was elected in 2022. Her priorities are e-filing (MDEC), customer service and staff training. She answered both Bethesda Today's questionnaire and the League of Women Voters guide. Unopposed in the primary (111,381 votes), and no Republican filed.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Karen A. BushellD | A career court administrator and graduate of the Institute for Court Management. No complaints or audit problems were found, though her public record beyond the questionnaires is thin and she cites no performance metrics. |
β
Vote for: Karen Bushell β competent and non-ideological in a technical office, and she answered the voter guides.
Register of Wills vote for 1 LEAN
The Register opens estates, appoints personal representatives, keeps wills and acts as clerk to the Orphans' Court. It's a customer-service management job serving grieving families. Staff and the Orphans' Court judges handle the technical legal questions. None of your policy axes live here, so this comes down to management and character. The office changes hands in December either way. Longtime Register Joe Griffin died in Aug 2025, and the judges' appointee, attorney Paul Dollahite (appointed Dec 9, 2025), lost the June primary. Neither general-election candidate has probate or legal experience, and neither has said whether she'd keep the professional staff. Neither candidate's dealbreaker screen found anything. Reyes's screen is thinner because less of her public record is readable, and most of what exists comes from her own party.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Barbara EbelD | About 20 years running state and county workforce programs, with staff, budgets and multilingual service. She was the Labor Dept.'s regional administrator for Montgomery and PG and now directs reemployment for the county's American Job Centers. She was elected to the Democratic Central Committee in 2022. She says the office's core problems are long waits and a confusing probate process, and proposes technology grants and estate-planning education. She won a three-way primary with a 43.3% plurality over Dollahite (31.5%) and attorney Alan Bowser (25.3%). She answered the League of Women Voters guide but not The Banner's. Her site lists endorsements from MCGEO and Council members Fani-GonzΓ‘lez and Sayles (self-reported). Against: no probate or court experience, and her answers are light on how she'd run the office. |
| T. Dolores ReyesR | For 20+ years she owned Development Disability Services, Inc., a contractor serving children and adults with disabilities for Walter Reed, DC Public Schools and MCPS. That's a real record of payroll, compliance and public contracts, and it's relevant to serving vulnerable families. She was a Reagan-era Commerce Department appointee and has long held party roles (MCGOP Central Committee for District 18, treasurer of the Maryland Black Republican Council). MCGOP lists her as a Judicial Nominating Commission commissioner. That claim is unverified, and the district it names doesn't match Montgomery's circuit. Her platform is faster probate, online tools and public workshops. A local GOP club argues that a change of party would bring scrutiny to an office run by one organization for decades. Against: no probate experience, a campaign site with no bio or specifics, and she skipped the League of Women Voters guide and Bethesda's questionnaire. |
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Lean: Barbara Ebel β neither brings probate expertise, so this is a management call. Ebel has two decades running public-facing government service operations and engaged with the voter guides. Reyes has run a real business, but she has given voters much less to judge her on. If you'd rather have an outside-party check on a long one-party office, or value her small-business and contracting record more β Reyes.
Sheriff vote for 1 UNOPPOSED
The Sheriff's Office handles courtroom security, evictions and extraditions, among other duties. Will Milam won the Democratic primary 65.4% to 34.6% (71,722 to 37,917) over incumbent Maxwell Uy. The deputies' union (MCGEO) said nearly 80% of its members in the office took part in a no-confidence vote against him; Uy disputed the union's claims. No Republican or write-in filed, so Milam will be sworn in in early December as the county's first Black sheriff. A state review of the office's child-support funding agreement involves Uy's tenure, not Milam's, and it has nothing to do with ICE or 287(g). β οΈ Structural note: Milam is vice president of the Maryland FOP and a former president of the Prince George's deputies' union. The police and county-employee unions largely funded his campaign, including MCGEO, which represents deputies he will supervise. No complaint or finding was found; it's a built-in conflict to watch. On immigration he supports Maryland's 287(g) ban (signed Feb 17, 2026), which is the opposite of your cooperation lean (a policy misfit, not a character issue).
| Candidate | Notes |
| Will MilamD | A 22-year law-enforcement career that ended as Chief Assistant Sheriff (No. 2) of Prince George's Sheriff's Office, about 400 employees. He retired in Feb 2025. He plans domestic-violence and behavioral-health units. Endorsed in the primary by FOP Lodge 35, Maryland FOP, the career firefighters (IAFF 1664), SEIU 500 and MCGEO. He answered the League of Women Voters guide. First time running for office. |
β
Vote for: Will Milam β senior management experience at a comparable office, an enforcement orientation, and voters picked him roughly two-to-one over the incumbent, whom the deputies' union had publicly opposed. Keep the union ties and the 287(g) stance in mind.
How the school board races work
All seven adult seats on the MCPS Board of Education are elected countywide, district seats included. Your household's school district isn't up this year, but you vote on all four seats that are: At-Large, District 1, District 3 and District 5. The races are non-partisan: no party label on the ballot, and the June primary only narrowed each field to two. November decides them.
- The next board adopts a roughly $3.7B budget, hires and evaluates the superintendent, and votes on school closures (May 2027) and boundaries (May 2028).
- District-seat primaries appear to have been voted only within each district (reported, not confirmed), so June margins in D3 may not carry over to a countywide electorate.
- As of Sept 29, neither the Washington Post nor GGWash had published general-election endorsements. Both usually do in October, so re-check before you mail your ballot.
Board of Education β At Large vote for 1 LEAN
This is the one down-ballot race that may be close. In the certified June count Lazo led Diaz 34.9% to 29.5% (46,248 to 39,094; SBE). Early counts had it tighter, about 33.6 to 30.5. The two eliminated candidates took about 36% between them. Diaz took 42.7% countywide (and lost) when she ran for District 2 in 2024, and a Sept 15 Montgomery Perspective column argued she has a real chance. your test for a board member is academic results first, not culture-war fights. Diaz has the more concrete academic agenda. She also has the documented 2023β24 parental-rights record listed below, which she partly walked back in 2026. Lazo is the institutional candidate, with a thinner stated agenda.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Omar Lazonon-partisan | MCEA Montgomery College trustee, appointed by Gov. Hogan (2020 or 2021; sources differ) and second vice chair 2024β25. He chairs the county Workforce Development Board, has co-owned the family restaurant Los Chorros for 30+ years, has three MCPS daughters, and is president of the Wheaton & Kensington Chamber. Human Rights Campaign "Safe Schools Champion." Also endorsed, per his campaign site, by Gov. Moore, Elrich and six sitting board members. His platform: transparent budgeting, the HVAC and facilities backlog, class size, faster special-ed evaluations, career and IB pathways. The pick panel reads him as skeptical of the 6% tax ask. The fact-check found no direct statement on it, only his line that schools should be well-funded "without overburdening taxpayers." Documented answers: phones "off and away" during class; closures "should never be the first option"; on library books, parents get a voice but not unilateral control, and trained staff choose. β οΈ His positions on SROs, Superintendent Taylor, the Wootton move and trans athletes could not be sourced anywhere. He backed the county Trust Act (per his campaign site). Against: vague on literacy and math instruction. Backed by the union and the current board majority, which makes him the continuity pick (Diaz argues this board rubber-stamps budgets). Finished third in the 2022 Council D6 primary (8.9%). |
| Brenda M. Diaznon-partisan | GOP Taught Spanish, ESOL and US History for 20+ years, seven of them at Gaithersburg High, where she was an MCEA building rep. Georgetown SFS, GWU M.A. in education. She was put on leave in 2021 for refusing the mask mandate and resigned in July 2022; she says her exemption requests were denied (her EEOC claim is self-reported). Case for: the most concrete academic-results agenda in the race. She wants explicit phonics and math, a knowledge-rich curriculum, attention to Algebra I results (she cites a 22% figure), performance-metric budgeting, an independent MCPS Inspector General, an end to consent-agenda approval of big contracts, and trained SROs with public disparity reporting. Funding: maintenance-of-effort only (the legal minimum). She opposes the tax increase and says the issue is how MCPS spends its record $143M increase. Documented record: (1) Oct 2023, she spoke from the audience in the Q&A at a Moms for Liberty event in Silver Spring. Her reported comment was about schoolβparent conflict hurting schools. She was not a panelist, and the article ties nothing LGBTQ-specific to her (Sentinel). (2) 2024 answers: yes to religious opt-outs from LGBTQ+ elementary reading materials; each school, with its parents, should decide which books to remove. Her 2024 PFLAG answers also backed telling parents if a student wants to transition, and rethinking sports policy by biological sex. (3) Feb 2026 post ("Protecting Our Children's Innocence"; her Substack copy is dated Sept 2025): "leftist ideologiesβ¦ BLM and LGBTQ+ flags adorn classrooms and hallways." (4) The county GOP endorsed her in 2024 and 2026; she says she didn't seek it. The state Democratic Party's 2024 "extreme candidates" flyer and the county Democratic committee's 2026 opposition statement cite no specific acts. Her 2026 answers: she denies Moms for Liberty membership or endorsement (none found). She now opposes removing books over ideological objections and opposes "targeting LGBTQ+ students." She proposes a districtwide rule to use students' chosen names and pronouns, and says schools shouldn't out students (Aug 2026 JUFJ questionnaire). Her opposition to removing books over ideological objections and to "targeting LGBTQ+ students" is in a Sept 2026 interview. No statement explaining the change from her 2024 book answer was found. Context: the Supreme Court's Mahmoud v. Taylor (June 2025) now requires MCPS to notify parents and allow opt-outs, so her opt-out position matches current law. |
β
Lean: Omar Lazo β your profile wants a board focused on academic results, not the parental-rights fights of recent years. Diaz's documented 2023β24 record (a Q&A comment at a Moms for Liberty event, where she was an audience speaker rather than a panelist; 2024 answers favoring school-level book removal and religious opt-outs) and her Feb 2026 post put her in that debate. Her 2026 walk-back is real but unexplained. Lazo is institutionally credible (a Hogan appointee to the college board, Workforce Board chair), is an HRC Safe Schools Champion, carries MCEA (a mild plus for you) and no dealbreaker turned up in a limited screen. His weakness is a thin, generic agenda, not a red flag. Medium confidence. If an academic-accountability agenda (phonics, Algebra I, an Inspector General) and a check on the board majority matter more to you, and you take her 2026 pledges at face value β Diaz.
Board of Education β District 1 vote for 1 UNOPPOSED
Grace Rivera-Oven has been board president since Dec 1, 2025, and she presided over the brutal FY27 budget, which cut hundreds of positions to close a $36M gap. The pick panel credits her with voting for the painful cuts rather than dodging them. She was first elected in 2022, beating Esther Wells, now the Republican county-executive nominee. Unopposed; the primary was canceled. She skipped Bethesda Today's questionnaire, the League of Women Voters guide and the candidate forums. Her campaign language centers on equity and belonging, and no stated academic-results priority was found, so this is a possible profile mismatch, not a red flag.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Grace Rivera-Ovennon-partisan | MCEA Born in Bolivia and a graduate of Gaithersburg High. She founded and runs Upcounty Hub, a food and social-services nonprofit serving 1,400+ families a week. No personal conflict or ethics issue found. (The 2025 ruling that an electric-bus contract was illegally awarded implicated MCPS administrators, not board members.) |
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Vote for: Grace Rivera-Oven β she steadied the board through a hard budget year. She's unopposed, so the vote is a statement.
Board of Education β District 3 vote for 1 LEAN
This is an open seat; Julie Yang left to run for Council. It isn't a dealbreaker race: no tie to Moms for Liberty, a party slate or election denial was found for either finalist, and the county GOP endorsed neither. The choice is an experienced PTA and policy insider versus a data professional from outside. McCarthy led the unofficial June count 46.6% to 17.3%, but that may have been a District 3-only electorate. They agree on a lot: both support classroom phone limits, staff-led library-book review with more transparency, and a fix for the boundary process. Both answered the League of Women Voters guide.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Sally A. McCarthynon-partisan | MCEA PhD in education policy (UMD) and 25+ years as an education-policy researcher and consultant. About 15 years in MCCPTA leadership, including chairing the Capital Improvement Program (the school construction budget), so she knows the budget and the facilities fight cold. Her agenda: reading first in PKβ3, a math content specialist in every elementary school, monthly academic-metrics briefings next to spending, and public data on repairs in what she calls a "systemwide school maintenance crisis." On library books she backs the staff process and wants annual data on challenges. Also endorsed by Gov. Moore. Against: no located position on the 6% tax request, SROs, special education or the superintendent. Her answers lean toward process over hard targets. |
| Cassandra "Cassi" Sungnon-partisan | A data and systems professional at a large law firm (the employer is reported inconsistently) and Lean Six Sigma certified. She has served as a county election judge. Her pitch is accountability: public dashboards, outcome-based budgeting with "every dollar traceable," a review of the boundary process, and "AI-free zones" until students show foundational skills. On SROs she said "SROs are not the answer" and does not support expanding them, citing research on arrests and referrals of Black students and students with disabilities. She wants alternatives exhausted before any tax hike, and also says schools need adequate funding. Against: a thin track record. Her daughter starts MCPS kindergarten this fall, she has never held office, and her SRO stance runs against your enforcement lean. |
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Lean: Sally McCarthy β she's the best-prepared candidate on the board ballot on budget and facilities experience. Deep budget and construction experience plus a reading-and-math-first agenda with regular metrics fits "academic results first," and MCEA is a mild plus. If you want an outside, data-and-accountability voice and share her skepticism of more SROs β Sung.
Board of Education β District 5 vote for 1 UNOPPOSED
An open seat; Brenda Wolff is retiring after two terms. Elma-Lorraine Diggs is unopposed and the primary was canceled. Her public record is thin: she skipped the forums, Bethesda Today's questionnaire and the candidate video, but she did answer the League of Women Voters guide. Her platform's three pillars include "oversight and accountability." No positions on safety, achievement or curriculum were found, and no dealbreaker was found, though the screen is thin.
| Candidate | Notes |
| Elma-Lorraine Diggsnon-partisan | MCEA Silver Spring PTA president with two children in MCPS. She has budget and organizational experience from USAID's Bureau for Humanitarian Assistance, and her site says she survived Liberia's civil war and rebuilt her life through MCPS. Also endorsed by former board president Michael Durso. |
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Vote for (or leave blank β same result): Elma-Lorraine Diggs β nothing disqualifying and some relevant experience, but little to judge her on. She's unopposed, so either choice is fine. Low confidence: the record is thin.
Ballot Questions β three statewide constitutional amendments
No county charter questions appear on your ballot style (BS 243, precinct 013-053). All three questions amend the Maryland Constitution, so they are permanent: undoing one takes another amendment and another statewide vote. Official text: SBE ballot questions page β Β· highlighted βοΈ/β
= lean Β· decide for yourself
Question 1 β Arbitration Reform for State Employees constitutional amendment Β· Ch. 155 Β· FOR / AGAINST YOUR CALL
FOR amends Article III, Β§52 so every Governor's budget must include the proposed appropriations to carry out each state-employee union contract (wages, hours, health and fringe benefits, other terms), whether the terms were agreed or set by a neutral arbitrator. It also switches on the companion law, which replaces today's advisory fact-finding with binding "last, best, final offer" arbitration when talks deadlock after Oct 1. The arbitrator must pick one side's whole offer, with a preliminary award by Dec 5 and a final award by Dec 15, before the January budget. Higher-ed units (including USM) and BWI airport fire employees are left out of the new arbitration process, but higher-ed contracts are still covered by the budget rule. The two parts are a package: the arbitration law takes effect only if voters approve. AGAINST keeps current law. Fact-finding stays advisory and the Governor keeps discretion over which contract costs go in the budget.
Sponsored by your own delegate, Jared Solomon (HB 604), and cross-filed as SB 28 by Sen. Cory McCray. HB 604 passed the House 93-35 (Mar 20) and the Senate 35-11 (Apr 10). Gov. Moore signed it Apr 28, 2026. Ballotpedia describes the votes as "largely along party lines," but they were not strictly party-line: at least two House Republicans (Hornberger, Ciliberti) and one Senate Republican (Chris West) voted yes. All four of your D18 legislators voted yes: Solomon, Shetty and Kaufman in the House, Waldstreicher in the Senate. DLS fiscal note β Β· Ch. 155 text β
Case FOR State employees cannot strike. Under current law a fact-finder's recommendation is non-binding, so management can impose its own offer, and AFSCME testified that this removes any incentive to bargain in good faith. The law has guardrails. The arbitrator must weigh the State's ability to pay without assuming new taxes, fees or Rainy Day Fund draws, and must attach a multiyear general-fund impact statement. Any award that needs money or a change in law still goes to the General Assembly, which keeps its power to cut. Supporters argue the final-offer format pushes both sides toward reasonable positions. The practice is already common: according to AFSCME's testimony, Montgomery County, other Maryland local governments (Anne Arundel is voting on it this year), every county school board and MTA workers use binding arbitration, as do 26 states plus DC (the union's count). A union survey of 25,000+ state workers found 78% had considered leaving and 81% reported staffing shortages (self-reported). DLS says costs could even fall if arbitrators side with the State.
Case AGAINST Critics argue the timing is bad. Maryland faces a structural gap of about $3B for FY2028 (Maryland Bay News; DLS projected about $2.6B in June), and about two dozen agencies are modeling 10% cuts. If an arbitrator awards raises the Governor must budget for, the money comes out of something else. The cost is open-ended: DLS puts added costs at no less than $150K a year from FY2028 and says the effect on personnel spending "cannot be reliably estimated" but is "potentially significant" as early as FY2029. The legislature can cut in theory, but it would face pressure to fund an award. The guide's own inference, not an argument any opponent made on the record: a statute could have set this bargaining rule, and putting it in the Constitution is harder to reverse. USM warned of an "unfunded mandate," but that was before the final bill exempted it from arbitration.
Supporters: Gov. Moore, whose administration won't "balance our budgets on the backs of our workers" (WYPR); AFSCME Maryland Council 3, the lead advocate; the Maryland State & DC AFL-CIO. Under your profile, union backing is not a reason on its own. Opponents: no organized campaign, and no formal GOP, Chamber or taxpayer-group statement, was found. Opposition shows up mainly in the no votes. That is a gap in the record, and it does not mean the case against is weaker. Your trusted signals: no Washington Post, GGWash or Bar position found; the research searches were incomplete, so re-check in October. Context: the dispute behind this is live. AFSCME has sued the administration and USM over withheld merit raises (WYPR, Aug 10).
βοΈ Lean: AGAINST (low confidence) β The institutionalist, clean-management reading: this writes a bargaining rule into the Constitution during a ~$3B structural gap, and the state's own analysts say the cost "cannot be reliably estimated." It is a close call. The guardrails are real, and funding a stable, fairly paid workforce fits your willingness to pay for services that work. If a stable state workforce and a fair bargaining process matter more to you than budget flexibility β FOR (your own delegate sponsored it, and all your D18 legislators voted for it).
Question 2 β Temporary Appointments on the Commission on Judicial Disabilities constitutional amendment Β· Ch. 878 Β· FOR / AGAINST LEAN
The 11-member Commission (3 judges, 3 lawyers, 5 public members, all appointed by the Governor with Senate consent) investigates complaints against Maryland judges. FOR lets it fill gaps temporarily when a member is recused, disqualified, or leaves at the end of a term with no replacement. The Chair can recall a former member, or the Governor, at the Chair's request, can appoint a temporary substitute or extend a current member's term. Substitutes must meet the same qualifications as the member they replace, and anyone the Senate has previously rejected for the Commission is barred. AGAINST keeps the current membership rules, with no temporary appointments. The Maryland Judicial Conference requested it. The 2025 version passed 139-0 and 46-0. The 2026 replacement, SB 933 (Sen. Smith), passed the Senate 41-0 (Mar 20) and the House 134-0 (Apr 10). DLS finds no material fiscal impact. DLS fiscal note β
Case FOR The workload is climbing: 396 complaints in FY2024 (up 18% in a year and 34% in two), then 301 in the first five months of FY2025 (DLS). Recusals are mandatory under Md. Rule 18-411, and a quorum needs a judge, a lawyer and a public member. Today's holdover rule covers expired terms but not a disqualified member (a recused member simply sits out that case), and the existing fallback for a quorum needs the written consent of the judge under investigation. Supporters call the fix narrow and temporary; the text keeps the qualification rules. They add that extending an expired term largely formalizes today's holdover practice. The 2026 text adds a bar on reusing Senate-rejected nominees. The Maryland State Bar Association backed the 2025 version.
Case AGAINST Temporary substitutes would not go through Senate confirmation; the text bars only people the Senate already rejected. The Governor gains a Chair-triggered power to seat substitutes on a body that disciplines judges. No case has been documented in which the Commission actually failed to reach a quorum, so this fix is preventive and does not answer a proven crisis. Maryland Bay News notes the new route works around the accused-judge-consent step, which supporters see as the point and skeptics may see as a lost protection.
Supporters: the Maryland Judicial Conference; MSBA (documented support is for the 2025 text, with no record found of it testifying on the 2026 bill); every legislator who voted. Opponents: none found, with no no-votes in either year. Editorials: none found; the Daily Record, Bay News and TheBayNet ran neutral explainers only.
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Lean: FOR (high confidence) β A narrow, good-government fix that keeps the judge-discipline body able to work. It passed unanimously twice, came at the judiciary's request, has Bar support for the earlier version, keeps the same qualifications and has no material fiscal impact (DLS). If you want every seat on a judge-discipline body filled only by a Senate-confirmed appointee, with no exceptions β AGAINST.
Question 3 β Election Districts (congressional redistricting criteria) constitutional amendment Β· Ch. 881 Β· FOR / AGAINST YOUR CALL
What it legally does. It makes three changes to Article III. (1) The existing districting rules (adjoining territory, compact form, substantially equal population, due regard for natural and political boundaries) would apply only to state Senate and House of Delegates districts. (2) The General Assembly may give the Supreme Court of Maryland original jurisdiction over challenges to the congressional map, so cases would skip the circuit courts. This is a permission and does not happen automatically. (3) Nothing in the Maryland Constitution, expressly including the Declaration of Rights, would supply criteria for congressional district lines. That removes the basis the 2022 ruling used, which included Declaration of Rights Arts. 7, 24 and 40. Federal rules on equal population and the Voting Rights Act still apply. No map is attached, and nothing changes for 2026. Maryland Matters reports the changes could not affect a congressional map until the 2027 session, which means congressional races in 2028 at the earliest. AGAINST keeps the status quo, and that status quo includes the 2022 ruling by trial judge Lynne Battaglia, which applied those state provisions to the congressional map. It is not binding precedent. Supreme Court order with the full text β Β· Ballotpedia β
How it got here. In March 2022 Judge Battaglia struck down the 2021 congressional map as an extreme partisan gerrymander. The legislature redrew it, Gov. Hogan signed the new map, and it has produced a 7-1 delegation since. In 2025-26, after Texas and other GOP-led states redrew mid-decade, Gov. Moore set up a redistricting advisory commission. It recommended a map on a 3-2 vote in January, and the House passed that map 99-37 on Feb 2. Senate President Bill Ferguson, who called it "objectively unconstitutional," let it die in committee. In May Ferguson reversed. He said the state first had to clear up the uncertainty left by the 2022 ruling, and Maryland Matters tied his shift to the U.S. Supreme Court's decision weakening the Voting Rights Act, Trump-backed primary defeats of Indiana Republicans who had blocked a redraw there, and his own primary challenger. A special session (convened Aug 3-5, final passage Aug 4) passed the amendment 96-38 in the House and 32-13 in the Senate, along party lines. The only Democrat to vote no was Del. Sheree Sample-Hughes. How your D18 legislators voted on Q3 was not found; because Sample-Hughes was the only Democrat to vote no, each of them either voted yes or did not vote. According to the Banner and Maryland Matters, the practical aim is a later 8-0 map that would unseat Rep. Andy Harris. Two circuit judges blocked the question in late August. On Sept 3 the Supreme Court of Maryland (5-2) ruled that the original ballot wording ("applicable federal laws") was misleading, replaced it with the bill's purpose paragraph and let the vote go ahead. Justices Gould and Harrell dissented on the wording only, arguing the rewrite still hides that Declaration of Rights protections stop applying to congressional maps. The dissent took no position on the policy.
Case FOR Parity. GOP-led states redrew mid-decade, and Ballotpedia's tally shows a net gain of about +10 R nationally even after California (+5 D) and Utah (+1 D). Supporters argue Maryland should not hold itself to stricter rules than its opponents follow. Legal cleanup. Supporters say congressional maps were not held to these state criteria before 2022, and that ruling came from one trial judge. Afterward the legislature redrew with Hogan's signature, and House Majority Leader David Moon (D-Montgomery) called the ruling "novel." It is only an option. No map is attached, and Ferguson says he will assess "whether and how" afterward. He and Sens. Hayes and Washington wrote that any map must keep Baltimore's Black-led seat whole. Process. It passed by the supermajorities the Constitution requires, voters get the final say, and the Supreme Court rejected the deadline and single-subject challenges.
Case AGAINST It removes the state-law check. With state criteria gone and the Declaration of Rights expressly excluded, a Maryland court would have no state-law yardstick for a map that splits communities or targets voters (the dissenting justices argued the rewritten wording hides this loss of Declaration of Rights protections), and federal courts do not hear partisan-gerrymandering claims (
Rucho, 2019 β).
It is permanent. There is no sunset, and critics note that California's version reverts to an independent commission after 2030. Undoing it would take the legislature putting another amendment on the ballot (Sen. Chris West).
The aim and the process. The reported target is 8-0 in a state where Democrats outnumber Republicans about 2-1. The special session was limited to this one issue, and Republican amendments were voted down.
The wording. The court found the original ballot language misleading, and the rewrite still never says "gerrymandering" or mentions the Declaration of Rights.
Supporters: Gov. Moore and Lt. Gov. Miller, Ferguson, Speaker PeΓ±a-Melnyk, the Maryland Democratic Party, Fight Back MD (the Yes on 3 campaign), SEIU Local 500 and a labor coalition, and Baltimore Mayor Brandon Scott. Opponents: Larry Hogan, who wrote in a Sun guest commentary (Aug 2) that it would create "a permanent and unfair partisan advantage," urged a no vote and pointed to the Citizens Redistricting Commission he set up (Sun β). Also opposed: Protect Maryland Votes, a coalition led by one Republican, one Democrat and one unaffiliated founder; the Maryland GOP; Rep. Andy Harris; Dan Cox; the Freedom Caucus (plaintiffs in the lawsuits); and the Maryland Forward Party. For balance, most opponents belong to the party that would lose a seat, and most supporters belong to the party that would gain one. Your trusted signals: a Washington Post opinion piece dated Aug 5, "Maryland gerrymandering referendum will further erode electoral system" β, is critical going by its headline and search snippets only. Its full text was not read, it predates the court's rewrite, and it is unverified whether it was written by the editorial board and whether it says "vote no." GGWash had taken no position as of Sept 29. Common Cause Maryland describes the amendment neutrally and takes no position. The League of Women Voters of Maryland has no statement on Q3, though its standing policy favors an independent commission, compactness standards and once-a-decade redistricting. Polls were commissioned by the campaigns and should be read that way: the yes side's poll found 40-35 with 25% undecided, and the no side's found 28-41 with 31% undecided.
βοΈ Lean: AGAINST (medium confidence) β Through a character and institutionalism lens: it permanently removes every state-constitutional check on congressional maps, with no sunset. The ballot wording was misleading enough that the court had to rewrite it, and Hogan, one of your models for independent governance, opposes it. If you see it as a necessary counterweight to GOP mid-decade redraws (about net +10 R) and note that no map is attached yet β FOR. The two lenses really do split here, so decide for yourself.
How to read the questions on your ballot
The questions come last on the ballot, with English and Spanish side by side, and the ballot says "Vote All Sides." For each one you fill in For the Constitutional Amendment or Against the Constitutional Amendment.
- Questions 1 and 2 print a plain-English explainer: "A vote FOR this amendment meansβ¦" and "A vote AGAINST the amendment meansβ¦". Q1's text never uses the words "binding" or "arbitration" outside the act's title, so "a neutral decider's order" means an arbitrator's award.
- Question 3 has no FOR/AGAINST explainer. It prints only the court-substituted purpose paragraph. On Q3, For = congressional maps would no longer be bound by any state-constitutional criteria. Against = keep things as they are, including the 2022 ruling that applied those criteria.
- If you've seen an older version of Q3 that mentions "applicable federal laws," that is the pre-ruling wording the court struck. The official ballot prints the rewrite. Compare with the mail ballot you receive.